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Menshevik

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A member of the gradualist wing of the Russian Social Democratic Party during the years preceding the Russian Revolution.

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mensjevik

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member of a faction of the Russian revolutionary movement
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The Socialist Revolutionaries soon followed the Mensheviks’ example.
Ja, för du har ingen bil eller så va?Literature Literature
BOLSHEVIKS/ MENSHEVIKS: The Russian Social Democratic Labor Party founded in 1898 split into two groups in 1903; Bolsheviks, literally “members of the majority,” under Lenin, favored keeping the party small, with a limited number of disciplined revolutionaries; Mensheviks, meaning “members of the minority,” favored a larger party membership employing democratic methods.
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From 1903 onwards, the RSDLP were divided between two major groups: the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks.
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The Mensheviks disagreed. —See box, page 21.
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All Mensheviks and even some Bolsheviks voted in favor.
Översättningar som utförts av kommissionenWikiMatrix WikiMatrix
At the outbreak of the Russian Civil War and the revolt of the Czechoslovak Legion in Siberia, Maisky returned to Russia and settled in Samara, where he joined the local Komuch government, for which he was banished by the Mensheviks.
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In 1903, following the split of the RSDLP, Lenin left the staff (after his initial proposal to reduce the editorial board to three - himself, Julius Martov and Georgi Plekhanov - was vehemently opposed), the newspaper fell under the control of the Mensheviks and was published by Plekhanov until 1905.
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The most militant Bolsheviks, led at the 5th Congress by Vladimir Lenin, supported continuation of the use of robberies, while Mensheviks advocated a more peaceful and gradual approach to revolution, and opposed militant operations.
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Based upon this, not only the SRs and the Mensheviks, but also a considerable section of the leaders of our own party, tried to show Lenin that the “present period of the revolution is a period of the bourgeois-democratic revolution”.
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A third SD faction, a small group of intellectuals calling themselves the Mezhraiontsy, formed in 1913 and attempted to reunify the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks into a single Marxist party, however the advent of World War I made this task almost impossible.
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The next stage in the evolution of divergent views was the Democratic Conference (September 14—22) and the Pre-Parliament that followed it (October 7).34 The task of the Mensheviks and the SRS consisted in entangling the Bolsheviks in soviet legality and afterwards painlessly transforming the latter into bourgeois parliamentary legality.
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For the time being the opportunism of the Mensheviks revealed itself in questions of organization.
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I differ with the Mensheviks in this respect, wrote Lenin in 1904:
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A condition, one that is self-evident and not new to the Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks, would be complete freedom of propaganda and the convocation of the Constituent Assembly without further delay, or even at an earlier date than that appointed.
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It is not surprising that after the Mensheviks had suffered such defeats, the August Bloc should begin to break up.
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In his history of the Russian movement, the Menshevik Theodore Dan, who did not spare Lenin for his “organizational regime”, and sought to exploit Luxemburg’s criticism of Lenin for his own ends, nevertheless wrote that the Polish social-democracy of the time shared in its essentials the organizational principles of Lenin, against which Rosa Luxemburg had polemized at the birth of Bolshevism; it also applied these principles in the practise of its own party, in which a rigid, bureaucratic centralism prevailed and people like Radek, Zalevsky, Unschlicht and others, who later played a leading role in the Communist party, were expelled from the party because of their oppositional stand against the party executive.
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It was only after the deepening of the split between the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks (Plekhanov included) that the latter launched their sharp attacks on Lenin’s polemical exaggeration – that is what it was – of the dominant role of the intellectuals as professional revolutionists, organizers and leaders of the party, and of the relationship between spontaneity and the element of socialist consciousness which can only be introduced into the labor movement from without.
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The leader of the mensheviks, Martov, left the congress together with the other members of his party.
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There had already been a struggle between the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks on this question at the Second Congress.
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With the inception of the bourgeois revolution in 1917, the Mensheviks soon found themselves on the staff of the government.
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If you look at this operation of formal democracy in cross-section you have a picture of a twofold election, in which the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries play the technical rôle of a middle link, that is, Kadet electors.
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The former employees of the zemstvos where Prince Lvov was the boss, and of the Military-Industrial Committee where Guchkov was in command, became today, under the name of Social Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, lords of the situation in the country and on the front, in the city and in the village.
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Martov’s attitude to the theory and practice of the permanent revolution was one of unalterable antagonism, and in the old days he stressed more than once that Trotsky’s views on revolution were rejected equally by the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks.
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It should be added that Plekhanov’s article against the pamphlet was not reprinted in the new Iskra collection (Two Years), and for that reason I do not here deal with Plekhanov’s arguments, but merely explain the issue involved to the present-day reader, who may come across references to it in very many Menshevik publications.
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After the expulsion of the Mensheviks and the constitution by the Bolsheviks of an independent party, the Bolshevik Party became firmer and stronger.
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